by Laura Darcey
Since the end of single-party rule in 1991, Kenya has been navigating the challenges of democracy. Despite 30 years of a multi-party system with regular elections, Kenya’s concentration of power has remained in the hands of the political and economic elites. The top 0.1% of the population owns more than the bottom 99.9% combined 1 . This means a tiny fraction of the population commands a disproportionate share of wealth while the majority survives on the breadcrumbs. Thus, while the framework of democracy exists on paper, many Kenyans feel side- lined from meaningful political participation. Money has come to rule politics, leading to a growing sense of apathy among the populace.
Poverty as a Barrier to Free and Fair Elections
When each day is a fight for survival, average Kenyans have little time to engage with politics, and see the state as accessible only to those with higher education, economic might, or a strong ethnic affiliation to those in power. The majority of the poor do not possess the education, the economic opportunity or the associated amenities to understand their political rights, leaving most poor Kenyans feeling powerless and adrift from the democratic process 2 . In rural Kenyan communities such as Nyamboyo Village, the poor have no access to the internet, no newspapers and hear only snippets of political news through the radio and discussions among community members. They cannot access accurate information or gain the knowledge that could help them engage politically and hold their representatives to account. Moreover, poverty causes low self-esteem and a lack of courage which can limit citizen’s ability to participate in civil, cultural and political activities. People may not feel they know or understand enough to challenge governmental decisions 3 . When poverty is rife, politicians take advantage of the desperation of potential supporters through vote buying, which is exchanging a citizen’s vote for some form of compensation. According to an Afrobarmeter survey, between 2003 and 2014 more than a quarter of the Kenyan population engaged in vote buying, although the real number is likely higher 4 . Politicians, or individuals working for politicians, purchase voters’ allegiance by offering them money or gifts to show up and vote for a particular candidate or party. Perversely, politicians also corrupt the democratic system by paying people to stay home. A Kenyan politician once showed up in a settlement he knew did not support him with kegs of beer intending to get potential voters so inebriated that they would not turn out to vote 5 .
Politicians also engage in the slightly less nefarious practice of tokenism. Campaigners may offer a favour in the short-term – paying school fees during a crisis, covering hospital expenses or legal fees and court fines, hoping to gain voters’ support 6 . At campaign rallies, they hand out free t-shirts, fizzy drinks, and small stipends to the crowd. During the 2017 election it was thought that the demand for ‘something small’ was so great that the 50-shilling note became rare. Over time, payments and free handouts to potential voters have become expected. Kenya’s poor know that once politicians are elected to office, their needs will be neglected and look to capitalise on handouts before campaigning politicians become elected officials and forget them 7 .
Money in Politics
Running an election campaign in Kenya is prohibitively expensive, but winning office is extremely lucrative. In 2022, victorious Senators spent more than double what losers spent during their campaigns 8 . To run and win a campaign, an individual must have access to a significant amount of money, essentially baring huge swathes of the electorate from running for office. Money begets money as members of Parliament are paid a monthly packet of at least US $10,000 which includes a basic allowance, making parliamentarians some of the most highly paid individuals in Kenyan society. They are also bestowed the individual title of Mheshimiwa – Kiswahili for honourable – and are granted access to patron-client networks, providing great opportunities for self-enrichment 9 .
The high cost of running for office means that many capable candidates are excluded from running. Political seats go to those who have the funds to offer the most handouts, whether that be in the form of contributions to development projects, donations to groups, or raising funds for individuals in need. When politics is boiled down to who has the most money to throw around, policy debate and dialogue is cast aside. Once elected to office, politicians begin to prepare for their next campaign, with many incentives to engage in corruption to raise funds. Voters see political candidates as moneybags and openly demand money before agreeing to go to their meetings, snowballing the costs of campaigning 10 . Yet despite being given the opportunity to make a change, in 2021 legislators turned down a move by the electoral body to cap campaign spending 11 .
Ethnocentric Politics
In Kenya, ethnic groups with a representative in power receive more government investment. When Kenyans know that their representatives will vote along ethnocentric lines to enrich their own group, politicians need not promote nuanced ideologies or philosophies in their manifestos, but must simply appeal to their ethnic group. Political contests are framed as zero-sum gains along ethnic lines, promoting a climate of mistrust and animosity, diverting attention from substantive policy issues and fostering a sense of “us against them” among voters 12 . 2010 saw a new Kenyan constitution with a ruling that a president needed 50%+ 1 of votes to win. It was thought this could end ethnic voting as no ethnic bloc makes up the majority of the population. But in response, ethnic groups began to form pre- election coalitions with different ethnic groups. Today, Kenyans still vote along entrenched ethnic lines to insure their groups’ interests are best protected 13 . Despite the changes, power remains concentrated in the hands of a few ethnocentric elites, accountability mechanisms are weak, and impunity thrives.
Voter Apathy
It seems intuitive that living in a society with high levels of inequality and few opportunities for growth would compel people to engage with the political process to fight for their rights, but sadly the opposite is true. Studies have shown that where there is a high level of inequality, democratic support is often reduced because people become disillusioned with the system 14 .
In Kenya, many voters feel disillusioned by the limited options presented during elections. The barriers to running for office often result in a lack of genuine competition with the same elites and parties dominating the political landscape election after election. With widespread corruption, political scandals and repeated failure to address social and economic issues, Kenyans also question the efficacy of the political process. In recent years, election-related violence and intimidation has created such a fear of violence or coercion that it has deterred some individuals from exercising their right to vote 15 .
Some Kenyans have looked for alternative ways to engage in the political process, but many have switched off entirely. With huge inequality and an electorate with little ability to engage in politics, Kenya can hardly claim to have free and fair elections 16 .
How Can the Kenyan Majority Fight Back?
Low levels of political engagement across the populace means campaigning politicians get away with promising a great deal and delivering very little once in office. The March 2023 riots, during which Kenyan citizens expressed their displeasure over a ‘skyrocketing’ cost of living, was followed by concession by President Ruto. Politicians will only truly work for the people, when the majority feels empowered to hold their representatives to account. This shift cannot occur solely through legislative change, but must arise through a grassroots focus on education and citizenship.
Kenyan politicians have historically been able to run on little more than their ethnicity. Opening up the political conversation to include ideologies and strategies for the future requires fostering a national identity among citizens. Education can encourage young people to feel loyal to their country, learning to prioritise it above or on par with their ethnic, racial, regional, class and religious communities. Toward this end, at the beginning and end of each day, the NTS community – students and teachers – assemble to raise the Kenyan flag above the school, and again, to lower it at the end of the day. Education has also been shown to build social cohesion, and it has been found that those with more education feel a greater sense of belonging to the Kenyan nation. With this greater allegiance to the national community they are able to rise above their narrow ethnic group, and are more likely to fight for the well- being of all Kenyan citizens rather than simply their particular ethnicity.
At NTS, all students learn about both their rights and responsibilities through the Civics curriculum. They are able to develop the knowledge, skills and confidence to make their own decisions and take responsibility for their own lives and communities. They have an in-depth understanding of their rights as guaranteed by law, and are able to articulate both their freedoms, and what opportunities their government should make available.
Civics education can go beyond improving political participation and accountability for representatives by nurturing self-confidence and a sense of agency. An education that includes teachings about citizenship and a young person’s role in their greater society, illustrates for these young citizens how their contribution is vital for national, community and personal development. A young person is more likely to break out of
the cycle of poverty if they feel they belong, are valued, and that they can, and must, contribute to society.
References
1 Oxfam, Kenya: Extreme Inequality in Numbers, https://www.oxfam.org/en/kenya-extreme-inequality-
numbers
2 Musili, The Link Between Poverty and the Right to Free, and Fair Elections in Kenya,
http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/bitstream/handle/11295/154318/Muli%20S_The%20Link%20Between%20Pove
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4 The Conversation, Vote Buying is a Big Problem in Kenya, How to Curb it Before the 2022 Elections,
https://theconversation.com/vote-buying-is-a-big-problem-in-kenya-how-to-curb-it-before-the-2022-
elections-171630
5 The Conversation
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https://theconversation.com/kenyas-elections-are-much-more-than-just-a-ruthless-game-of-thrones-81957
8 Kanyinga, The Cost of Politics in Kenya: Implications for Political Participation and Development,
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10 Kanyinga
11 The Guardian, ‘It’s an Illusion of Choice’: Why Young Kenyans are Boycotting the Election,
https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/aug/05/young-kenyans-boycotting-the-election
12 Kwatemba, Ethnicity and Political Pluralism in Kenya, https://www.eisa.org/storage/2023/05/2008-journal-
of-african-elections-v7n2-ethnicity-political-pluralism-kenya-eisa.pdf
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https://www.researchgate.net/publication/377957506_Issue-
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14 Krieckhaus, Economic Inequality and Democratic Support,
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15 McCrone, Political Elite are Stirring Violence in Kenya by Moving Voters Around,
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16 Musili